Tuesday, 13 December 2016

THE LONGRUN BUHARICKNOMICS AND THE SHORTRUN NEEDS OF NIGERIANS.

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This time last year,many Nigerians including my self,thought the 2016 budget would make the year ahead a sumptuous one,with our belief that we are lucky to have an honest president and a changed team,however the opposite seems to be the case today as most have lost hope in this government and some are chanting "change the change mantra already"Honestly,I must also confess that i am getting disappointed with the tide of occurrences in the nation overtime,the recession being the most popular,and some "rightwrong" policies of Pmb's administration.
Without straying from the purpose of this piece,i think it is expedient for me to make known the fact that i percieve the current administration as that which does the right thing the wrong manner,and the right things at the wrong time.
 To be fair with PMB,he already stated his aims clear with priority order during his campaigns,these are Security,Anti-Corruption and Economy being the last he mentions,(to play the cynic) I will say perhaps he does that to make plain the fact that the last thing on his agenda is the economy,no wonder the economy is in shambles under the old man for now,and with time(i.e the longrun) Baba and his team will fix the economy and bring nigeria out of the woods wth the 2017 budget.
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I will like to enter into a counter with Pmb using the words of an economist David keynes who said, "In the longrun we are all dead" .Baba,needs to get somethings right.A youruba proverb says that the iota of a great jumat ahead should be visible by thursday,in other words,a 2017 budget that will be great should be visible by 2016. Moreso, baba and his team really need to understand the fact that mr ivy fisher was right when he said that "people enjoys the premium of the present than the future" Even though Baba's plan are long term,like curbing corruption and the likes, he should let the institutions that are meant to fight the course do just that,and step aside just to make life better economically for Nigerian and Nigeria perhaps will be great again.


Wednesday, 7 December 2016

4 big mistakes that led to economic recession



It is important to give analysis of what the term "economic recession" means to enable Nigerians to understand the implications and adjust to their daily economic activities and lifestyle. There are various reasons why  countries enter into recession and it all depends on the economic framework of that country.
Recession could be triggered by a dip in government revenues and /or a drop in consumer spending. In Nigeria for example, a drop in oil prices, has triggered a drop in government spending due to its inability to earn what it used to earn before the dip
National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) has confirmed that Nigeria is in its worst economic recession in 29 years.
Below, NAIJ.com presents four reasons why Nigeria has now found itself faced with serious economic challenges.
1. Inability of the previous administration (led by Goodluck Jonathan) to save for the rainy day                                      
Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has blamed the country’s present economic situation on the zero political will of the immediate past government to save for the rainy day. Also, President Muhammadu Buhari and the All Progressives Congress have blamed the Peoples Democratic Party for the current challenges facing the nation.
2. The activities of militants and pipeline vandals 
4 big mistakes that led to economic recession
Pipeline vandalims
The implication of oil pipeline vandalism vis-a-vis Nigeria’s security has been vividly demonstrated by its nexus with economic, environmental, and humanitarian losses and consequences. In effect, oil pipeline vandalism has been associated with consequences which hold negative implications. Pipeline vandalism has reduced the country's oil production from 2 million to less than 800,000 barrels per day. This has reduced the amount the country generates from oil exportation and consequently its financial stability.                                      
READ ALSO: Nigeria moves into depression, PMB to get no sympathy - PDP
3. Budget signing delay                                                                                                                                                       
4 big mistakes that led to economic recession
Budget
The delay in signing the 2016 Appropriation Bill into law by President Buhari has worsened the economic crisis currently facing the nation, economists and analysts have said. According to them, by the time the National Bureau of Statistics will release the economic growth data for the first quarter of this year, many Nigerians will realise that the delay in signing the budget has caused tremendous harm to the economy.
4. Nigeria’s over-dependence on foreign products
One of the factors that has led Nigeria into economic slavery is because it feeds on imported food, lives on foreign finished homes, clothe with imported garments. This factor has made Nigeria to spend more than it generates into the economy.

Thursday, 1 December 2016

Nigeria legal system


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Authors : Jadesola Lokulo-Sodipe, Oluwatoyin Akintola, Clement Adebamowo
This module was realized with support of Fogarty International Center and West African Bioethics


LEGAL BASIS FOR RESEARCH ETHICS GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA

Introduction
Ethics is a theoretical framework for the analysis of human conduct (and there are philosophical, sociological and other theoretical frameworks). It is the general term covering several different ways of examining and understanding the moral life.
Ethics can be divided into two main types, namely, Normative Ethics which is a branch of ethics that investigates the set of questions that arise when we think about the question, ‘how we ought to act morally?’ It examines standards for the rightness and wrongness of actions. It is also known as Prescriptive ethics; and Non-normative ethics which has the objective of establishing what factually or conceptually the case is and what ethically ought to be the case or what is ethically valuable. It is an analysis of the meaning of the terms used in moral discourse. Non – normative ethics can further be divided into Descriptive ethics, which is the factual investigation of moral belief, and conducts. It uses scientific techniques to study how people reason and act; and Meta-ethics which involves analysis of the language, concepts and methods of reasoning in normative ethics.
Law can be described as a system of rules a society sets to maintain order and protect harm to persons and property. Law is a set of rules established by a governing authority to institute and maintain orderly co-existence.
The law establishes restrictions and requirements for behaviour and represents a general consensus of what is or is not ethical. Consequently, law acts as a guide for solving research ethics problems.
Laws are created through legislations which are called statutory laws, or by judges in court cases which are called case laws. Statutory laws comprises of written laws enacted by either a state legislature or national assembly. Statutory laws are either civil or criminal. Case law comprises of decisions of the various courts. These decisions determine the outcome of individual court cases by providing precedents to be followed in the interpretation of statutory laws and the Constitution.
This module compiles the laws governing research ethics in Nigeria. The objective is to provide an overview of the various laws regulating research in Nigeria with a view to compiling and codifying them. Secondly, the module is aimed at increasing knowledge in respect of the laws relating to management and conduct of ethics in research.
Thirdly, it will be a resource for stakeholders in research and development. Lastly, it is hoped that it will strengthen research ethics evaluation capacities.
This module involves a research into the various laws applicable to research ethics. It is a literature research. This will involve an examination of legal literature in Nigeria, legal and policy instruments that are relevant to research ethics. References will also be made to relevant case law.
The module collates laws governing various aspects of research ethics such as ethics review criteria, oversight for ethics review, criteria for selecting research participants, issues relating to conflict of interest, privacy, risk-benefit ratio, compensation and informed consent process.
The Nigerian Legal System
The Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN) is a Constitutional Republic. At independence, Nigeria consisted of three regions, namely, the Northern Region, the Eastern Region and the Western Region. Presently, Nigeria is made up of 36 states and a federal capital territory (FCT), located in Abuja. These states are, as a matter of convenience and political expediency grouped into 6 geopolitical zones of North East, North West, North Central, South East, South West, and South South. This grouping has however not been accorded any constitutional recognition. There are close to 400 linguistic groups in Nigeria, but the 3 major languages are Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba, while English is the official language.
The Nigerian Legal System (NLS) is based on the English Common Law and legal tradition by virtue of colonization and the attendant incidence of reception of English law through the process of legal transplant. English law has a tremendous influence on the Nigerian legal system, and it forms a substantial part of Nigerian law. Section 45 (1) of the Interpretation Act provides that, the common law of England and the doctrines of equity and the statutes of general application which were in force in England on 1st January, 1900 are applicable in Nigeria, only in so far as local jurisdiction and circumstances shall permit.
Consequently, legal issues evolving from common law in England and codes of conduct of the medical profession and professional ethics as a whole, such as confidentiality, consent, maleficence, beneficence, duty of care are applicable in Nigeria even though they have not been legislated upon.
Sources of Nigerian Law
The sources of Nigerian Law are as follows:
The Constitution
The Nigerian Constitution is a Federal one. A federal constitution is one which provides for division of powers between the constituents of the Federal Government.
The Nigerian Constitution is supreme. Constitutional supremacy relates to the supremacy of authority of the constitution over other laws. Section 1(1) provides, “this Constitution and its provisions shall have binding force on all authorities and persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria”. In addition to this, Section 1(3) provides, “if any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail and that other law shall to the extent of the inconsistency be void. The current Constitution is the 1999 Constitution. It came into operations on 29th May, 1999.
By virtue of section 13(2)(b), the security and welfare of the people is the primary purpose of the government. Sections 15-21 set out the various ways in ensuring that this purpose is fulfilled without violating the fundamental rights of the citizens which are set out in Chapter 4 of the Constitution. These rights include, the right to life, right to dignity of persons, right to personal liberty, right to fair hearing, right to private and family life, right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, right to freedom of expression and the press, right to peaceful assembly and association, right to freedom of movement, right to freedom from discrimination and the right to acquire and own immovable property anywhere in Nigeria.
Legislation
The Constitution regulates the distribution of legislative business between the National Assembly which has power to make laws for the Federation and the House of Assembly of each state of the federation.
The current legislation in force at the Federal level is largely contained in the Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 (LFN). Laws made subsequently are found in the annual volumes of the laws of the FRN. Federal laws enacted under the military regime known as Decrees and state laws known as Edicts form the bulk of primary legislations.
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English Law
This consists of:
  1. The received English Law comprising of the following, the common law, the doctrine of equity, statutes of general application in force in England on January 1, 1900, Statutes and subsidiary legislation on specified matters, and
  2. English law (statutes) made before 1st October, 1960 and extending to Nigeria which are not yet repealed. Laws made by the local colonial legislature are treated as part of the Nigerian legislation.
Despite the influence of English law, the Nigerian legal system is very complex because of legal pluralism.
Legal pluralism is the existence of multiple legal systems within one geographic area. It occurs when different laws govern different groups within a country or where, to an extent, the legal systems of the indigenous population have been given some recognition. Legal pluralism is prevalent in former colonies, where the law of a former colonial authority may exist alongside traditional legal systems. This is evident in the Nigerian Legal system where the customary law exists side by side with the inherited English Legal System.
Customary Law
This emanated from the usage and practices of the people. The traditional classification of customary law is into the following categories:
  • Ethnic/ Non – Muslim: is the indigenous law that applies to the members of the different ethnic groups. Nigeria is made up of several ethnic groups each with its own variety of customary law. Ethnic Customary law is unwritten, uncertain and difficult to ascertain.  Ethnic Customary law is enforced in customary courts. These courts are at the lowest rung of the hierarchy of courts and in most cases are presided over by non- legally trained personnel.
  • Muslim Law / Sharia: In the southern part of the country, Muslim/ Islamic law, where it exists, is integrated into and has always been treated as an aspect of the customary law. Islamic law has however been in use in the Northern part of the country since 1959. Islamic/Sharia/Muslim Law is written with clearly defined and articulated principles. It is based on the Islamic religion and was introduced in Nigeria as a consequence of a successful process of Islamization. It is based on the Holy Koran and the teachings of the Prophet Mohammad. The Muslim laws, also known as the Sharia are found in the Holy Koran and the Hadith (teachings of the Prophet Mohammad).
Judicial Precedent
This is “an earlier happening, decision, etc, taken as an example or rule for what comes up later. The doctrine of precedent is founded on the objective of law that ensures that like cases are decided alike. The operation of the doctrine is tied to the hierarchy of the courts. A court is bound by the decisions of any court above it in the hierarchy and usually by a court of co-ordinate or equivalent jurisdiction. The Supreme Court is the highest court of the land. The Court of Appeal is the penultimate court to entertain appeals from the High Courts, which are the trial courts of general jurisdiction. The Court of Appeal and all lower courts are bound by the decision of the Supreme Court.
The judicial precedent does not apply to certain courts like the customary/area courts and the sharia courts.
The Federal and State courts are not in two parallel lines. It is only to a limited extent that it may be asserted that each state has its own legal system.
International Law
Nigeria is a member of the United Nations, the Commonwealth of Nations, African Union and many others.
Although Nigeria is a signatory to various international conventions and covenants, these are not enforceable in Nigeria unless they are enacted into law by the National Assembly.
Government Bodies
The system of Government in the FRN is modelled after the American presidential system with three arms of government, namely, the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. This is known as ‘Separation of powers’. The legislature makes the law, the executive implements the law, while the judiciary interprets the law.
Legislature Section 4 (1) of the Constitution provides that the legislative powers of the country shall be vested in the National Assembly. By virtue of sub section (2), the National Assembly has powers to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the federation, to the exclusion of the state House of Assembly. It follows law making procedures as specified in sections 58 and 59 of the 1999 Constitution. It is bicameral and is made up of the Senate and the House of Representatives. The powers of the National Assembly to legislate refer to:
  • Any matter included in the Exclusive Legislative list, to the exclusion of the State House of Assembly. 
  • Any matter in the concurrent legislature list set out in the 1st column of Part II of the 2nd Schedule of the Constitution to the extent prescribed in the 2nd Column opposite; and
  • Any other matter with respect to which the National Assembly is empowered to make laws in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
Each state has its own law making organ known as the House of Assembly. State House of Assemblies have powers to legislate on any matter in the concurrent legislative list and any other matter with respect to which it is empowered to make laws in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
By virtue of S.4 (5), where there is inconsistency between the laws made by the State House of Assembly and the National Assembly, the latter prevails and the former, to the extent of the inconsistency becomes void.
It pertinent to note that scientific and technological research, this includes health research, falls within items on the concurrent list. Consequently, both the National Assembly and the State House of Assembly may make laws governing research ethics in Nigeria.
Executive
The executive power of the Federation is vested in the President by virtue of section 5(1) of the 1999 Constitution. Such powers can be administered directly or through the Vice President or Ministers or officers of the government. In the states the executive power of a state is vested in the Governor and may through the Deputy Governor or Commissioners or other public officers.
Judiciary
By virtue of section 6(1) of the 1999 Constitution, the following courts are established in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, Federal High Court, High Court, Abuja, High Court of a State, the Sharia Court of Appeal of the FCT, Abuja, a Sharia Court of Appeal of a state, the Customary Court of Appeal of the FCT, Abuja and the Customary Court of Appeal.
The courts established by the Constitution are the only superior courts of record in Nigeria. The Constitution empowers the National Assembly and the House of Assembly to establish courts with subordinate jurisdiction to the High Court. These courts are invariably inferior courts of record notwithstanding the status of the officer presiding in the courts.
Statutory Institutions
Apart from the arms of government set up by the Constitution, there are institutions/ governmental bodies which are creation of statutes. These institutions such as the National Health Research Committee, and National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control, are allowed to make rules, regulations, directives and bylaws pursuant to their enabling Acts and consequently are binding. These institutions are also empowered to institute various committees as necessary in carrying out their duties. Procedures devised for these committees have binding effects on all parties concerned.
Sources of Law Relating to Research Ethics in Nigeria
The legal basis for research ethics in Nigeria as with all other area of laws is created either through legislation which are called statutory law or by opinions written by judges in court cases which is called case law.
Statutory laws influencing research ethics in Nigeria can be found in the Constitution; state and local government legislations; federal enactments (regulations, codes, directives) and international treaties. Some of these legislations have their basis in customary law and practices.
Case law comprises of decisions of the various courts on matters brought under different heads of the common law such as Contract and Torts. These decisions determine the outcome of individual cases thereby providing precedents to be followed in the interpretation of statutory laws and the Constitution.
Research Ethics Governance Pre-2006
The pre-2006 era of research oversight in Nigeria was characterised by formal and informal mechanisms which included regulations by the federal government through agencies created for that purpose, review by ethics review bodies in research institutions, self-regulatory bodies in research institutions, and self-regulations by medical practitioners.  There were no general guidelines dealing specifically with the major ethical concerns which arise in relation to research in developing countries. There were no laws or general guidelines requiring that structure or composition and functions. Be that as it may, there existed ethics review committees which conducted reviews of research involving humans amongst others.
At this time, clinical research involving drug trials was regulated by the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC).  NAFDAC is saddled with the responsibility of ensuring drug safety and compliance with approved specifications and quality and regulating the importation, exportation, and manufacture of drugs. In carrying out these functions it has powers to compile standard specifications, guidelines and regulations for the production of drugs, establishing and maintaining laboratories.
In exercising these powers, NAFDAC issued a set of guidelines for regulating clinical drug trials in Nigeria.
Research Ethics Governance Post-2006
The major development in research ethics in Nigeria post–2006 is the inauguration of the National Health Research Ethics Committee (NHREC). In order to enhancing its functions, the committee, drew up the National Code for Health Research Ethics, which applies to all health research involving human participants, conducted, supported or otherwise subject to regulation by any institution in Nigeria. The effect of this development is that the NHREC operates at the national level, while the Health Research Ethics Committees (HRECs) operate at the institutional levels, reporting to the NHREC.
  • 1999 Constitution 2nd Schedule, Part II, Sections 1; 4-7; 12; 13; 33-43; 235; 237; Items 20-21.
  • National Code for Health Research Ethics, 2007
  • Interpretation Act, Section 45(1) & (2)
  • Research Institute (Establishment) Order of 29th Sept, 1977 in Scientific and Industrial Act, Cap. S3 LFN, 2004
  • NAFDAC Act, Sections 1, 5, 29
  • National Health Bill, Section 31

Tuesday, 29 November 2016

Democracy made simple

democracy
Democracy, literally, rule by the people. The term is derived from the Greek dēmokratiā, which was coined from dēmos (“people”) and kratos (“rule”) in the middle of the 5th century bc to denote the political systems then existing in some Greek city-states, notably Athens.

Fundamental questions

The etymological origins of the term democracy hint at a number of urgent problems that go far beyond semantic issues. If a government of or by the people—a “popular” government—is to be established, at least five fundamental questions must be confronted at the outset, and two more are almost certain to be posed if the democracy continues to exist for long.
(1) What is the appropriate unit or association within which a democratic government should be established? A town or city? A country? A business corporation? A university? An international organization? All of these?
(2) Given an appropriate association—a city, for example—who among its members should enjoy full citizenship? Which persons, in other words, should constitute the dēmos? Is every member of the association entitled to participate in governing it? Assuming that children should not be allowed to participate (as most adults would agree), should the dēmos include all adults? If it includes only a subset of the adult population, how small can the subset be before the association ceases to be a democracy and becomes something else, such as an aristocracy (government by the best, aristos) or an oligarchy (government by the few, oligos)?
(3) Assuming a proper association and a proper dēmos, how are citizens to govern? What political organizations or institutions will they need? Will these institutions differ between different kinds of associations—for example, a small town and a large country?
(4) When citizens are divided on an issue, as they often will be, whose views should prevail, and in what circumstances? Should a majority always prevail, or should minorities sometimes be empowered to block or overcome majority rule?
(5) If a majority is ordinarily to prevail, what is to constitute a proper majority? A majority of all citizens? A majority of voters? Should a proper majority comprise not individual citizens but certain groups or associations of citizens, such as hereditary groups or territorial associations?
(6) The preceding questions presuppose an adequate answer to a sixth and even more important question: Why should “the people” rule? Is democracy really better than aristocracy or monarchy? Perhaps, as Plato argues in the Republic, the best government would be led by a minority of the most highly qualified persons—an aristocracy of “philosopher-kings.” What reasons could be given to show that Plato’s view is wrong?
(7) No association could maintain a democratic government for very long if a majority of the dēmos—or a majority of the government—believed that some other form of government were better. Thus, a minimum condition for the continued existence of a democracy is that a substantial proportion of both the dēmos and the leadership believes that popular government is better than any feasible alternative. What conditions, in addition to this one, favour the continued existence of democracy? What conditions are harmful to it? Why have some democracies managed to endure, even through periods of severe crisis, while so many others have collapsed?

Democratic institutions


Since the time of the ancient Greeks, both the theory and the practice of democracy have undergone profound changes, many of which have concerned the prevailing answers to questions (1) through (3) above. Thus, for thousands of years the kind of association in which democracy was practiced, the tribe or the city-state, was small enough to be suitable for some form of democracy by assembly, or “direct democracy.” Much later, beginning in the 18th century, as the typical association became the nation-state or country, direct democracy gave way to representative democracy—a transformation so sweeping that, from the perspective of a citizen of ancient Athens, the governments of gigantic associations such as France or the United States might not have appeared democratic at all. This change in turn entailed a new answer to question (3): Representative democracy would require a set of political institutions radically different from those of all earlier democracies.
Another important change has concerned the prevailing answers to question (2). Until fairly recently, most democratic associations limited the right to participate in government to a minority of the adult population—indeed, sometimes to a very small minority. Beginning in the 20th century, this right was extended to nearly all adults. Accordingly, a contemporary democrat could reasonably argue that Athens, because it excluded so many adults from the dēmos, was not really a democracy—even though the term democracy was invented and first applied in Athens.

Despite these and other important changes, it is possible to identify a considerable number of early political systems that involved some form of “rule by the people,” even if they were not fully democratic by contemporary standards.

Prehistoric forms of democracy

Although it is tempting to assume that democracy was created in one particular place and time—most often identified as Greece about the year 500 bc—evidence suggests that democratic government, in a broad sense, existed in several areas of the world well before the turn of the 5th century.
It is plausible to assume that democracy in one form or another arises naturally in any well-bounded group, such as a tribe, if the group is sufficiently independent of control by outsiders to permit members to run their own affairs and if a substantial number of members, such as tribal elders, consider themselves about equally qualified to participate in decisions about matters of concern to the group as a whole. This assumption has been supported by studies of nonliterate tribal societies, which suggest that democratic government existed among many tribal groups during the thousands of years when human beings survived by hunting and gathering. To these early humans, democracy, such as it was practiced, might well have seemed the most “natural” political system.
When the lengthy period of hunting and gathering came to an end and humans began to settle in fixed communities, primarily for agriculture and trade, the conditions that favour popular participation in government seem to have become rare. Greater inequalities in wealth and military power between communities, together with a marked increase in the typical community’s size and scale, encouraged the spread of hierarchical and authoritarian forms of social organization. As a result, popular governments among settled peoples vanished, to be replaced for thousands of years by governments based on monarchy, despotism, aristocracy, or oligarchy, each of which came to be seen—at least among the dominant members of these societies—as the most natural form of government.
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Then, about 500 bc, conditions favourable to democracy reappeared in several places, and a few small groups began to create popular governments. Primitive democracy, one might say, was reinvented in more advanced forms. The most crucial developments occurred in two areas of the Mediterranean, Greece and Rome.

Classical Greece

During the Classical period (corresponding roughly to the 5th and 4th centuries bc), Greece was of course not a country in the modern sense but a collection of several hundred independent city-states, each with its surrounding countryside. In 507 bc, under the leadership of Cleisthenes, the citizens of Athens began to develop a system of popular rule that would last nearly two centuries. To question (1), then, the Greeks responded clearly: The political association most appropriate to democratic government is the polis, or city-state.
Athenian democracy foreshadowed some later democratic practices, even among peoples who knew little or nothing of the Athenian system. Thus the Athenian answer to question (2)—Who should constitute the dēmos?—was similar to the answer developed in many newly democratic countries in the 19th and 20th centuries. Although citizenship in Athens was hereditary, extending to anyone who was born to parents who were themselves Athenian citizens, membership in the dēmos was limited to male citizens 18 years of age or older (until 403, when the minimum age was raised to 20).
Because data is scanty, estimates of the size of the Athenian dēmos must be treated with caution. One scholar has suggested that in the mid-4th century there may have been about 100,000 citizens, 10,000 resident foreigners, or metics, and as many as 150,000 slaves. Among citizens, about 30,000 were males over 18. If these numbers are roughly correct, then the dēmos comprised 10 to 15 percent of the total population.
Regarding question (3)—What political institutions are necessary for governing?—the Athenians adopted an answer that would appear independently elsewhere. The heart and centre of their government was the Assembly (Ecclesia), which met almost weekly—40 times a year—on the Pnyx, a hill west of the Acropolis. Decisions were taken by vote, and, as in many later assemblies, voting was by a show of hands. As would also be true in many later democratic systems, the votes of a majority of those present and voting prevailed. Although we have no way of knowing how closely the majority in the Assembly represented the much larger number of eligible citizens who did not attend, given the frequency of meetings and the accessibility of the meeting place, it is unlikely that the Assembly could have long persisted in making markedly unpopular decisions.
The powers of the Assembly were broad, but they were by no means unlimited. The agenda of the Assembly was set by the Council of Five Hundred, which, unlike the Assembly, was composed of representatives chosen by lot from each of 139 small territorial entities, known as demes, created by Cleisthenes in 507. The number of representatives from each deme was roughly proportional to its population. The Council’s use of representatives (though chosen by lot rather than by election) foreshadowed the election of representatives in later democratic systems.
Another important political institution in Athens was the popular courts (dikasteria; see dicastery), described by one scholar as “the most important organ of state, alongside the Assembly,” with “unlimited power to control the Assembly, the Council, the magistrates, and political leaders.” The popular courts were composed of jurors chosen by lot from a pool of citizens over 30 years of age; the pool itself was chosen annually and also by lot. The institution is a further illustration of the extent to which the ordinary citizens of Athens were expected to participate in the political life of the city.
In 411 bc, exploiting the unrest created by Athens’s disastrous and seemingly endless war with Sparta (see Peloponnesian War), a group known as the Four Hundred seized control of Athens and established an oligarchy. Less than a year later, the Four Hundred were overthrown and democracy was fully restored. Nine decades later, in 321, Athens was subjugated by its more powerful neighbour to the north, Macedonia, which introduced property qualifications that effectively excluded many ordinary Athenians from the dēmos. In 146 bc what remained of Athenian democracy was extinguished by the conquering Romans.